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GENEALOGICAL NOTES AND ANECDOTES

 
       
         
 

 
.John Calhoun Cox
(2 January 1836 - 19 February 1917)
Fifth Texas Regiment,
Hood's Brigade (1)
 

Life of  John C. Cox1

Tyler, Texas

January 8, 1900

John C. Cox was borned in Fayette County, Georgia, January 2, 1836. His school days were principally spent in Fayetteville, Georgia and Cave Springs, Georgia where he was a schoolmate with Gen. John B. Gordon2 (J. S. Ingraham, teacher).3

Moved to Texas with his foster father, John D. Stell,4 in the Fall of 1854, stopping in Smith County for a few days, then settled in Cherokee County, Texas. Lived there one year, and then moved to Leon County, and settled on the banks of the Trinity River near Brookfield Bluff.

In 1860 and 1861, J. C. Cox was merchandising in Centerville, Texas, and from this latter place he enlisted in the Confederate service. Joined a Company known as the "Leon Hunters": D. M. Whaley,5 Captain; J. J. McBride, First Lieutenant; and J. E. Anderson, Second Lieutenant. J. C. Cox was, after the first year, made Orderly Sergeant of the Company.

The Leon Hunters were mustered into service, near the City Houston, and became Company "C," 5th Texas Regiment, and formed Hood’s Texas Brigade.

First Winter quarters were near Dumfries on the Potomac River. In the early Spring, moved camps near Fredericksburg, Virginia, then on to Yorktown where our first fighting began, Gen. Joseph E. Johnston in command of the Army. On the retreat of Gen. Johnston's army from Yorktown, the Hood's Texas Brigade was placed in the rear, and brought up the rear to Williamsburg, where the battle of Williamsburg was fought the next day. Hood’s Texas Brigade was forced marched to Eltham’s Landing, on York River, where they distinguished themselves on the 7th of May 1862, in the Battle known as "Eltham’s Landing" (where the writer of this sketch fired his Enfield rifle at the Federals less than 70 yards).

J. C. COX participated in the following battles:

Seven Pines - May 31 and June 1, 1862. Then June 26 and 27 at Gaines Farm. On to Malvern Hill, continuous fighting for 7 days. (After the battle on the 27th of June, 1862, J. C Cox promoted to Orderly Sergeant.)6

August 8 - Battle of Freeman’s Ford.

Battle of Thoroughfare Gap - August 28, 1862.

Second Battle of Manassas - August 29 to 31.

Battle of Boonesborough Mountain.7

Battle of Sharpsburg, Maryland - September 16 and 17, 1862.

Battle Fredericksburg, Virginia - December 13, 1862.

1863 - Several days fighting around Suffolk, in the Spring.

June 3, 1863 - Heavy skirmishing, fighting near Culpepper, Virginia.

Battle of Gettysburg, Pennsylvania - July 1st to the 3rd, 1863.

Battle of Chickamauga, Georgia - September 19 and 20, 1863. J. C. Cox was flag-bearer, September 20th, 5th Texas Regiment, and was severely wounded, in the last charge that was made Sunday evening just before sundown.

NOTES:

1. This document, as it appears here, reproduces the typescript which Cox prepared on 8 January 1900. For its current presentation, it has been slightly edited to facilitate reading.

2. Gen. John B. Gordon: This was John Brown Gordon, born in Upson County, Georgia, 6 February 1832, who served in the Army of Northern Virginia, first as Brigadier General and, later, as Major General (14 May 1864). Following the War, he served his fellow Georgians as their governor (1886 - 1890) and their senator (1873 - 1880, 1891 - 1897). In Georgia, he was perhaps esteemed even more highly than Alexander Stephens. Gordon was the son of Rev. Zachariah Herndon Gordon (10 March 1796, Wilkes County, Georgia - BEF 12 December 1886, Clay County, Alabama) and Malinda (Melinda) Cox (1805, Talbot County, Georgia - BY 5 February 1867, Columbus, Muscogee County, Georgia), who were married 26 April 1826. Malinda (Melinda) Cox was the daughter of Ichabod Cox (19 June 1769, Halifax, Halifax County, North Carolina - 26 October 1861, Talbot County, Georgia) and is not traceably related to John Calhoun Cox. Gordon was married to Frances ("Fannie") Rebecca Haralson (18 September 1837, <LaGrange, Troup County>, Georgia - 28 April 1931) in LaGrange, Troup County, Georgia on 18 September 1854. He died 9 January 1904, in Miami, Dade County, Florida while visiting his son, Hugh Haralson Gordon.

Although John Calhoun Cox and Gen. John Brown Gordon were not noticeably descended from any recent common ancestor, there was - never the less - a connection of family between them. Evan Harvey (ABT 1751, Virginia - 1814, Putnam County, Georgia) was the brother of Rev. John Harvey (1749, Virginia - 1823, Clarke County, Georgia), the paternal grandfather of John Calhoun Cox's mother, Amanda Melvina Harvey (1811, <McDonough, Henry County>, Georgia - 1861, Leon or Smith County, Texas). Evan Harvey and his wife, Charity Powell (ABT 1756 - 8 January 1798, Hancock County, Georgia), engendered Moses Harvey (1784 - 1859, Marion County, Georgia) who was married to Nancy Cox (1793, Georgia - 16 May 1872, Buena Vista, Marion County, Georgia), the daughter of Ichabod Cox and Mary ("Polly") Rowan (1775, Talbot County, Georgia - 1846, Stewart County, Georgia); and Nancy Cox was the sister of Malinda (Melinda) Cox who was married to Rev. Zachariah Herndon Gordon. Malinda (Melinda) Cox and Rev. Zachariah Herndon Gordon, as mentioned above, were the parents of Gen. John Brown Gordon. Therefore, among the descendants of Moses Harvey and Nancy Cox, John Calhoun Cox and Gen. John Brown Gordon had cousins in common, even if they may not also have been cousins to each other.

3. Cox certainly means that J. S. Ingraham, in Cave Springs, was the instructor for both him and Gordon. It seems that, in 1818, there was a "J. Ingraham" who was an instructor of music at Powelton Academy, Hancock County, Georgia.

4. Col. John Dennis Stell (27 October 1804 - 28 October 1862), who originated from Georgia, was, in 1861, President pro tempore of the Texas Secession Convention.

5. About D. M. Whaley, see Major David M. Whaley, Fifth Texas Regiment, Hood's Brigade.

6. This parenthetical statement is given, in the right margin of the typescript, as a handwritten gloss. The hand appears to be that of Della Amanda Cox ( that is, Mrs. Joseph Dudley Sloan, 26 September 1865 - 7 December 1925), the daughter of John Calhoun Cox, with whose assistance the typescript seems to have been prepared.

7. This is usually referred to as the "Battle of South Mountain." It occurred on 14 September 1862.

''''''''''''''''''''

TEXANS WHO WORE THE GRAY

by Sid S. Johnson
Capt. 3rd Texas Cavalry, Ross Brigade, C. S. A. and
Brigadier General, Texas Brigade, Forrest's Cavalry, U. C. V.

"Tis not in mortals to command success, but We'll do more, Sempronious, we'll deserve it."
Addison's Cato

J. C. Cox

John C. Cox, born in Fayette county, Ga., January 2, 1836. Removed to Texas with his foster father, John D. Stell, in the Fall of 1855, and first settled in Cherokee county, thence to Leon county. Enlisted in company C, 5th Texas, Hood's brigade, and went direct to Virginia. He was in the battles of York­town, Ethens Landing, Seven Pines, Thorouhfare Gap, Manassas, Boonsboro Gap, Sharpsburg and Gettysburg.

Longstreet's corps reenforced Bragg and comrade Cox was severely wounded in the battle of Chickamauga, Georgia and carried a minnie ball in his thigh for thirty years until an operation was performed removing the deadly missle from his person. It is only necessary to men­tion that he was one of the famous Hood's Texas brigade, because it carries with it the merit of being fighters. Judge Cox is a grand old man and the scars he carries in his country's service makes him a hero. He is an honorable citizen of Tyler, popular and greatly beloved by the people who know him. He has been married twice. His first marriage was with Miss Sallie E. Allen in June 1864. Second, Miss Eugenia Barron in March 1887. He has been honored by the people in official life. Prominent in everything that is good and one of Lee's veterans, draws him close in the affection of the people.

''''''''''''''''''''

JOHN CALHOUN COX (CSA) AND CHARLES F. BALDWIN (USA):
THE COLT REVOLVER

The following notice, concerning the theft of a firearm which John Calhoun COX took from the field at Second Manassas, was posted on the Internet in 2003 by Mr. Alex Peck, The Civil War Antiques Arsenal. [P. O. Box 710, Charleston, Illinois 61920; Telephone: (217) 348-1009]:

   

A model 1849 pocket Colt revolver
serial number 201526 with backstrap engraved:

Capt. C. F. Baldwin, Co. D, 14th Regt, N.Y.S.M.  

!!!IMPORTANT NOTICE!!!

THE FOLLOWING WAS STOLEN WHILE IN SHIPMENT TO ME FROM THE TAMPA, FLORIDA, AREA AROUND 10 JANUARY 2003.  PLEASE REPORT ANY KNOWLEDGE OF THE WHEREABOUTS OF THIS REVOLVER TO THE MARION COUNTY SHERIFF'S DEPARTMENT AT 352-732-9111 (CASE S03-3142) AND TO ALEX PECK AT
m e d . a n t i q u e s @ a d v a n t . n e t

THANKS FOR ANY HELP

A model 1849 pocket Colt revolver with backstrap engraved: Capt. C. F. Baldwin, Co. D, 14th Regt, N. Y. S. M.  The buttstrap is further inscribed: Captured Aug. 30th, 1862 / by J. C. Cox.  The all-matching serial numbers are 201526, indicating that the Colt was manufactured in early 1862.  It is a rare variant with a 4" barrel, six-shot cylinder, and a rounded brass trigger guard (about 535 Colts are of this configuration).  It is rarer yet due to the Colt marking COIT, which was stamped for a brief time when the foot of the L had broken on the die.

Captain Charles F. Baldwin, of the 14th Regiment, New York State Militia, the original owner of the Colt, was severely wounded at Groveton (Second Bull Run) on 29 August 1862.  (He had also been wounded at First Bull Run in July 1861.)  While left on the battlefield for dead, he was stripped of his sword, haversack, canteen, and this very firearm.  The pistol and probably some of the other items were taken by John C. Cox, a Confederate who was serving as a sergeant in the 5th Texas Regiment of Hood's Texas Brigade.

Captain Baldwin turned-out to be alive and became a prisoner of the Confederates.  He recovered from his wounds under Confederate care, and, after a parole, under Federal hospitalization.  But Baldwin was not to serve again and was given a disability discharge in December 1862.

Sergeant Cox, himself, was seriously wounded at Antietam several weeks after Second Bull Run and sent to Texas to recuperate.  He took the pistol home with him and, according to his testimony, had the capture inscription engraved on the buttstrap at this time.

Cox recovered from his Antietam wounds and returned to his old unit, the 5th Texas.  He took part in the campaigns of the summer of 1863, including the Confederate charge on Little Round Top, Gettysburg.  Cox was again wounded, this time at Chickamauga in September 1863, and  his war was over.

The historic Colt remained with Cox until 1895 when he decided to attempt to return the battlefield pick-up to the Baldwin family; apparently the theft of the revolver had worn on his conscience over the passing 30 years.  Cox placed an ad in The Confederate Veteran, Vol. III (1895), p. 335, describing the pistol and the events that led to his having possession of it.  

To Cox's surprise, he found that Captain Baldwin was still alive. They exchanged letters and Cox, true to his word, returned the Civil War Colt to an astounded Baldwin.  A record of this intriguing story was published c. 1911 in The History of the Fighting 14th (Brooklyn), p. 154-156.

   
 
The Confederate Veteran, Vol. III (1895), p. 335:
   
  J. C. Cox, Tyler, Texas: I have a pistol that was captured at the second battle of Manassas, on Aug. 30, '62. This inscription is engraved on it: "Capt. C. F. Baldwin, Co. D, 14th Regt., N. Y. S. M." I think Capt. Baldwin was killed in that battle; if not, and he or any of his relatives are alive, and will correspond with me in regard to this pistol as a "war relic," I would be pleased to return it to its original owner, or any member of his family. The pistol is in good condition, considering its use.
   

From: C. V. Tevis and D. R. Marquis, The History of the Fighting Fourteenth: Published in Commemoration of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Muster of the Regiment into the United States Service, May 23, 1861 (Brooklyn Eagle Press, Brooklyn, New York: 1911), pp. 154 - 156:

   
 

Maj. Charles F. Baldwin, 14th N. Y. S. M.

   

How Baldwin Got His Pistol Back

The unusual manner in which Captain Charles F. Baldwin1 finally recovered a pistol which was taken from him while he was lying wounded on the field of Groveton, Va.,2 on August 29, 1862, forms an interesting little story.

Captain Baldwin had been left for dead and while lying there a Confederate soldier came along and helped himself to the captain's sword, pistol, haversack and canteen. The wounded man was removed next morning to the field hospital where his wounds were dressed by a Confederate surgeon of the Nineteenth Virginia infantry.3 There he remained for about two weeks when he was paroled and taken to Emory Hospital, Washington, D. C., subsequently to be removed to private quarters for six weeks. In condition to travel then he returned to his home in Brooklyn. He was discharged December 24, 1862, for disability.

During the latter part of the year 1895 General Fowler4 received a letter from Maj. John M. Gould,5 of Portland, Me., who told him that one John C. COX, of Tyler, Texas, had advertised in the Confederate Veteran, published in Nashville, Tenn., that he was ready to restore to the owner a pistol he had found on the battlefield described, the weapon bearing the inscription: Chas. F. Baldwin, Co. "D," 14th Regt., N. Y. S. M. General Fowler communicated the fact to Baldwin and Captain Cranston,6 Secretary of the Fourteenth Regiment War Veterans Association. The latter opened a correspondence with COX and Captain Baldwin wrote later. Cox replied and during the correspondence which followed both gave their versions of what occurred on the battlefield.

On April 5, 1896, Captain Baldwin received the pistol by express from Tyler, Texas, and also a letter from Mr. COX. The weapon was one of the old "Colt" patent six shooters, and was in a remarkably good state of preservation considering that 34 years had passed since it was lost.

Mr. COX wrote as follows:

  "Tyler, Tex., April 1, 1896.

Capt. C. F. Baldwin, Brooklyn, N. Y.

"My Dear Sir ¾ I am truly sorry that I have delayed answering your letter of February 13th and in sending the pistol, as I propose to do. I have been sick most of the time for the last two months and not able to write or attend to business of any kind. Now, in answer to your letter, I am convinced you are the owner of the pistol. Maj. John M. Gould, of Portland, Me., first wrote me that you were yet alive and a resident of Brooklyn, N. Y. Then I received a letter from Capt. Alfred Cranston in which he said he knew you to be Captain of Co. "D," Fourteenth Regiment N. Y. S. M., and would see you in a day or so and that you would write me. Well your letter of February 13th came in due course by mail. I cannot describe my feelings on reading your letter and looking at the pistol. My mind reverted to August, 1862, trying to picture the scenes just as I saw them. Well my brother, you know it is often said that no two persons or witnesses saw and related the same circumstances just alike. Your letter was truly interesting to me, yet I could not take in the situation and circumstances just as you related them in your letter. In your description of the pistol I discover that you are a little mistaken. It is a six chambered revolver, instead of a five, and the word presented is not on it. I never took the haversack from a wounded soldier in my life, and as for water, I always gave it when in my power to do so freely. Texas soldiers as a general thing were kind hearted and treated prisoners and wounded soldiers in a kind hearted way. I am not sure whether it was August 29 or 30, 1862, that I obtained the pistol. I know that it was late in the evening and the man from whom I got it was, I thought, shot to pieces, a ball through right breast or shoulder and wounded in hip or leg, and I have no recollections of any words passing between us. I obtained sword belt, sword and pistol, and my recollection is that I did not know of the engraving on the pistol until the next day.

"At Sharpsburg I was severely wounded on September 17, 1862, and returned to my home in Texas, and while there I gave the pistol to my sister, Mrs. E. C. CLARK,7 who was then living in Tyler, and she had the engraving inscribed on the butt end: Captured August 30, 1862, by J. C. Cox. In July, 1895, my sister visited my family, and during her visit the pistol matter was mentioned, a thing I had not thought of for years. She said she had the weapon and it was in a good state of preservation. I asked her for it and said I would advertise it in the Confederate Veteran.

"Maj. John M. Gould and I have been having some correspondence in regard to the battle of Sharpsburg, and I am happy to say that all my correspondence with the "boys in blue" meets with a hearty response in my heart of hearts.

Your friend everlastingly,

JOHN C. COX"

1. Charles F. Baldwin: About Charles F. Baldwin, the following is from C. V. Tevis and D. R. Marquis, The History of the Fighting Fourteenth: Published in Commemoration of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Muster of the Regiment into the United States Service, May 23, 1861 (Brooklyn Eagle Press, Brooklyn, New York: 1911), p. 259:

  BALDWIN, CHARLES F. ¾ Age, 25 years. Enrolled, May 18, 1861, at Brooklyn, to serve three years; mustered in as captain, Co. D, May 23, 1861; wounded in action, August 29, 1862, at Groveton, Va.; mustered in as major, October 24, 1862; discharged for disability, December 24, 1862. Commissioned as captain in the 14th militia, December 1, 1859, with rank from August 17, 1859; major, October 24, 1862, with rank from October1, 1862, vice W. H. De Bevoise, promoted. [In August, 1862, William H. De Bevoise, born in 1826, held the rank of Major.]

2. on the field of Groveton, Va.: This was an incident in the campaign of Second Manassas, beginning at Brawner's Farm on 28 August and extending to Groveton itself the following day. Capt. John C. Brawner (1798 - 1880) and his wife, Jane Clark (1806 - 1877), who were married in Westmoreland County, Virginia on 13 January 1827, were tenants on the land where the battle began. Capt. John C. Brawner eventually filed for damages but, since he was not the owner of the land, he was refused compensation.

From David J. Eicher, Civil War Battlefields: A Touring Guide (Taylor Publishing, Dallas, Texas: 1995):

  War again touched the landscape of Bull Run in August 1862 during Union Maj. Gen. John Pope's Virginia campaign. The Federal Army of Virginia employed those forces that had failed to rout Maj. Gen. Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson in the Shenandoah Valley. As Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan's Army of the Potomac marched toward Richmond on the Virginia Peninsula, Pope's army of 47,000 was assigned to apply pressure on the Valley, protect Washington, and draw Gen. Robert E. Lee away from his Richmond defenses. The plan worked only in part.

On July 12 Lee sent Jackson to secure the junction at Gordonsville, south of Manassas. In early August Lee gambled on McClellan's continuous inactivity and sent reinforcements to Jackson. An engagement took place at Cedar Mountain on August 9, a battle executed in sloppy fashion on both sides. The outcome convinced Lee that Jackson should be heavily reinforced, striking Pope before McClellan's retreating army could arrive, and this decision established the situation for the Second Battle of Bull Run. On August 27 Jackson captured trains filled with stores at Manassas Junction, made use of everything he could, and burned the rest. Meanwhile Confederate Maj. Gen. James Longstreet's corps moved north to unite with Jackson.

On the afternoon of August 28 Pope attacked Jackson in retaliation for the supply raid, and a bloody engagement occurred on John C. Brawner's Farm. Jackson moved to Groveton and spread along an unfinished railroad grade, where he was assaulted by Pope's army on the 29th. Piecemeal attacks erupted along the railroad and swayed back and forth inconclusively. The next morning Pope ordered his army forward, believing that Lee and Jackson were retreating. Instead the battle raged out of control. Confederate counterattacks demolished many Union regiments. Federal troops made stands on Chinn Ridge and Henry House Hill, over the heart of the old Bull Run battlefield, and prevented the battle from becoming a Union disaster. After dark Pope's battered army withdrew toward Washington, in a haunting repeat of the march made a year earlier. After the smoke cleared, of the 75,696 Union and 48,527 Confederate troops engaged at Second Bull Run, 3,205 men lay dead and another 22,046 were wounded or missing. As Pope retreated, Lee lashed out at the army's rear guard and a battle took place at Chantilly, lasting until nightfall on September 1. The battle produced an additional 2,200 casualties.

3. a Confederate surgeon of the Nineteenth Virginia infantry: The identity of the surgeon is not known. But an account survives from William Henry Taylor of his experiences as an assistant surgeon in the 19th Virginia Infantry with a descriptive section on the establishment of field hospital and treatment at Gettysburg:

 

TRANSACTIONS OF THE COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS OF PHILADELPHIA, Vol. 28

SOME EXPERIENCES OF A CONFEDERATE ASSISTANT SURGEON
By
WILLIAM H. TAYLOR, M.D.,
Surgeon De Jure, Assistant Surgeon De facto, Nineteenth Regiment of Virginia Infantry, C.S.A.
Read May 2, 1906

When I was complimented by a request to give an account of the methods of the medical staff of the Confederate army I was obliged reluctantly to decline because the circumstances under which I served did not enable me to obtain anything approaching an adequate acquaintance with the subject. With the exception of the first six months of the war, during which I was employed in Richmond hospitals, I served the whole time in the field, practically as an assistant surgeon; for, though I at length became surgeon, I preferred to remain with my old companions and friends in an inferior capacity rather than enjoy my higher rank with strangers, and I was so fortunate as to have my wish gratified. But the position of a Confederate assistant surgeon stationed with the men in the field was one affording only the most limited and meager opportunities for acquiring a comprehensive and accurate knowledge of the methods of the medical and surgical service.

Still, the position of an assistant surgeon had its own peculiar feature; and, after further consideration, I have concluded to attempt some slight description of an humble phase of a subject whose proper handling is, in its entirety, far beyond my knowledge and abilities. Even this little I shall be obliged to do most imperfectly. The lapse of time has swept out of my remembrance much that was once very vivid. In truth, I have not very greatly encouraged these recollections. Most of them are disagreeable, and even painful, to me. For though I rejoice that I allied myself with what I believed, and yet believe, was a righteous cause, and my conscience tells me that I at least tried to act well my part in the small sphere in which my lot was cast, I was, nevertheless, altogether out of my element; and I look upon my years frittered away in the army as that much blank, and as waste leaves torn out and thrown away from my book of life.

I must say, too, that, despite my long and intimate association with the army, I have never been able to satisfactorily realize that I was a soldier. The essence of soldiering is fighting, and, while we have fighting parsons in abundance, I do not know of any fighting surgeons. In common with the assistant surgeons of the Southern side, and, I suppose, of the Northern side also, I may venture to claim a share of whatever military glory is conferred by being often under fire - usually while in sheltered places; still, I have felt some degree of uncertainty in posing, on this account, as a warrior. I have, therefore, habitually put aside my military career, letting its incidents lie dormant, and reviving them only on peculiarly fitting occasions, and these have been few and far between. This consideration has kept me from joining the military organizations which have been formed by survivors of the war, and thus I have been deprived of that freshening and brightening of old-time reminiscences which these associations foster. My narrative will therefore, I fear, be notable for the scantiness of the addition it makes to the general stock of knowledge.

I might indeed be able to offer something in the semblance of a real contribution to a memorable history, had I not been, like so many of my compatriots, a victim of the disastrous contingencies of war. From time to time I made notes of many of my experiences and observations, and had gathered a considerable mass of this material. On a furlough home I left a large part of it there for safekeeping, but one day the house caught fire, and my papers were consumed. Another portion was in a trunk in a storehouse in Richmond; this was burnt at the evacuation. The rest was recorded in a notebook kept in my saddlebags. The saddlebags were left in a hospital on the retreat to Appomattox, the hospital was captured and the saddlebags with it, and this finished me. Never was an ill-starred cultivator of the fields of knowledge more ruthlessly stripped of the hard-earned fruits of his labor.

I was anxious to improve myself in my profession and endeavored to assimilate all the information that came in my way. In reviewing my acquirements during my three years and a half of service in the field, I find that they may be summed up in the statement that I gained an excellent working knowledge of the art of practicing medicine without medicines and surgery without surgical appliances. This knowledge is not be undervalued, for it was eminently adapted to the time and circumstances, but it has now become rather antiquated, and, I must own, has not stood me in much stead since.

Not only must my account be defective for want of matter, but its manner also will be justly liable, in particular, to the reproach of great discursiveness. For this feature I must crave indulgence. All of value that I can communicate could, indeed, have been put in a very few paragraphs, but so brief and bald a statement could have elicited no interest, even had it gained a hearer.

Of my brief experience in the Richmond hospitals there is nothing novel to be said. It was at the very beginning of the war, when means and appliances were abundant, and there was no occasion to depart from customary methods. Afterwards I had but little to do with hospitals, and was never connected with one long enough to learn much of its economics. Of the Confederate hospital system and management I am therefore not competent to give an account that would be even approximately adequate.

At first the system of the medical and surgical departments of the Confederacy conformed to that of the United States, and it kept closely parallel with that as long as means permitted. But as these diminished, and exigencies multiplied, wide divergences became imperative. Radical changes had to be made, and substitutions and makeshifts had to be adopted, the details of which my situation prevented me from accurately knowing and which, consequently, I cannot presume to describe. I must confine my account to the outcome of it all as it showed itself in the service in the field, and, in fact, as it was outside the hospitals.

Our regiment had two medical men, a surgeon and an assistant surgeon. There was also a hospital steward - a kind of apothecary, whose duty it was to take charge of the case of medical and surgical supplies, and to prepare, or dole out, what was prescribed, and to act as general assistant to the surgeons. In addition, there was a man, familiarly styled the knapsack-toter, who carried a knapsack containing small quantities of the most generally useful medicines, bandages, isinglass plaster, etc., and whose special duty it was to be with the assistant surgeon on the battlefield. We also, of course, had stretcher-bearers to convey the wounded to the ambulances. These ambulances were very sad-looking and, for the most part, very uncomfortable vehicles, and their unfortunate passengers were apt to have a dreary ride of it.

When we were on the march, or in camp, and no outside hospital had been established, the surgeon was with the regiment and had supreme charge of all medical and surgical matters. Usually he divided the work with the assistant surgeon very equitably. All the surgeons with whom I was acquainted were social with their assistant surgeons. In quiet times they exhibited little pride of place, showing themselves patterns of equality and fraternity. But when a battle was imminent they were prone to become very lordly indeed, cavorting fussily around and ordering us assistant surgeons to move well up to the front, and giving us commands which, if we had obeyed them to the letter, would have been the death of us - after which they retired, or, to speak with accuracy, fled, to the shelter of their field hospitals. Sometimes, however, on these occasions, by a miscalculation, they would get in range of a shot; and I remember with peculiar satisfaction how we assistant surgeons were once much comforted by seeing a group of our chiefs knocked out by an unexpected cannon-ball which tore off the roof of a house under whose protection they were chattering in great glee, and gave each one of them a substantial spanking with the shingles.

If much sickness prevailed in a permanent camp it was customary to establish a brigade hospital in some comfortable house at a convenient, or, as the case might be, at an inconvenient distance away. Thither the surgeon would repair, and reside there in enviable ease and freedom, leaving the regiment in charge of his assistant surgeon. In fact, it was the duty of the assistant surgeon to be with the regiment all the time, and thus he was obliged to share many of the hardships and privations, and some of the dangers, of the men. So far as the meager comforts of military life were concerned he was not greatly better off than they. One great advantage, and on the march an inestimable one, was that he could ride. But the blessing of a horse was always alloyed with much anxiety. Often he would be tied up at night and be gone in the morning - strayed or stolen, and very likely the latter. This was a most disheartening calamity, and I was called upon to endure it several times during my campaigning.

The domestic economy of the assistant surgeon was much the same as that of the privates. Some years since I published an article in which I pointed out that hitherto no systematic account has been given of how the soldier in the field keeps house - how he provides for his dwelling, for his table, for his clothing, for his bed, and for the multitude of conditions which are the elements of housekeeping. I did not pretend to be qualified to give to give such an account, but I attempted a description of one feature, namely, how the Confederate soldier put himself to bed. As this topic is in some sort related to my theme, and as I have excellent reasons for believing that no one ever knew of my article but myself and the printers who set the type, and, especially, as I have at last gotten an audience, I will bestow some parts of it on you.

A precept which the soldier speedily learns, or, at any rate, speedily has taught him, is to dispense with superfluities. This species of self-denial is, as is well known, one of the most valued features of various systems of philosophy, and is much preached among civilians, though little practiced by them. The genuine exemplars of it are soldiers; not, indeed, because they are convinced of its eminent moral worth and beauty, but because they cannot help themselves. Accordingly, with these philosophers, even a bed is a superfluity, and they are able to do without it.

Soldiers in the field do not keep very regular hours. Sometimes they sleep, like other people, at night; sometimes during the day; not infrequently, they sleep neither during the night nor day. In fact, for sleeping, as for whatever else they may have to do, all times and seasons are alike to them - it is done when and how they can. Still, soldiers are endowed - in some instances very richly endowed - with the frailties of human beings in general, and are thus very susceptible to comfortable surroundings; and they are perfectly willing to deposit their carcasses in civilized beds when they can get them. These, however, are not readily to be had in the field, and there the warriors are obliged to put up with such beds as they may be able to improvise, these being, for the most part, devices which a civilian would at once pronounce no beds at all.

In our permanent camps, especially where huts had been built, admirable beds were fitted up, some of which were, in fact quite as good as the box bed provided for the dog of a well-regulated family. In these camps, when there was a liability of a sudden outbreak at any time of firing from the confronting enemy, as, for example, was the case on the lines between Richmond and Petersburg, it was generally considered to be conducive to longevity to sleep in a hole in the ground. Fastidious persons, with whom perhaps I should class myself, while retaining the hole, built their beds along its upper border, taking care to have a substantial headboard, consisting of a good thick log. This log was set parallel with the enemy's line, and was meant as a receiver of bullets straying its way.

But it was when on the march that comfortable beds, while most longed for, were hardest to be got. Agreeable camping places were, however, not infrequent. Yet out experience was of infinite variety, and we soon learned to expect anything and to be discouraged by nothing. When on the march, our method of going to bed was always very simple. In general, we placed something between us and the ground, if we had anything suitable, as was not by any means always the case, and covered up with blanket or overcoat. Our trying times came with rainy weather, especially when it was prolonged and chilly. Then, after a day's trudging through mud and water, tired to the bone, and wet through and through, we laid ourselves on the soaked earth, covered up with whatever was available, blanket, overcoat, or bushes, let the rain pour on and endured impassive, till perhaps the accumulated water, submerging mouth and nose, forced us to turn. It is easy to realize that such nights were horrible, yet, so callous to physical hardships like these does the soldier become, that, for my part, though I must have passed through scores of wretched nights during my life in the field, not more than four or five of them have left a marked impression on my mind.

It is paradoxical to speak of sleeping while marching all night long. These night marches were truly the times that tried men's souls. Can there be in human experience anything more ineffably dreary than to be dragging one's self on and on, step by step, the livelong night, with men and army wagons moping and blundering through the darkness, and checked every few feet by some disabled team? Yet, even under these distressing conditions, some of us could sleep - becoming veritable somnambulists, creeping and snoring in unison.

The crowning event of the soldier's life, of course, is the battle. It would be natural to suppose that the immediate anticipation of this portentous trial would banish sleep. Yet, this is not so. He may be deprived, it is true, by the contingencies of the situation of the opportunity for sleeping, but, should he get the opportunity, he is fully capable of using it. As far as I have observed, on the night before the battle the soldier's slumber is tranquil. As he lays himself down there is a thought of what is impending, an anxious thought, no doubt, but it is not of long duration. Then all is forgotten; he sinks into undisturbed and, I believe, generally, dreamless sleep; and, unless roused by some physical discomfort, rests till awakened by the appointed signals. He sees no ghosts, no forms of loved ones at home. He is as dead temporarily as, very possibly, in a few hours, he will be permanently. He sleeps like the condemned is said to sleep on the night before his day of execution. What he feels at the moment of waking is a matter of individual temperament. In effect, the summons of the soldier to rise on the morn of battle is that solemn call, "Prepare to meet thy God!" and we cannot deem it derogatory to the bravest if he suddenly hears it not altogether unmoved. But the depressing emotion, if felt at all, is rapidly dissipated by the stimulating feeling of companionship with friends who are about to tread together the path that leads to glory, if also to the grave.

And when the fateful day has passed over and beyond us, and the night has come, it may be that it does not bring us rest, and that we shall not sleep. We may have to follow the fleeing enemy, or, ourselves discomfited, we may have to hasten away, soliciting the darkness to help us to some friendlier place. Or we may be so fortunate as to be privileged to sleep on the field of battle. Every one has often read of soldiers, under these circumstances, sleeping among the heaps of slain. Usually, the phrase "heaps of slain" must be taken as a rhetorical embellishment. The aspect of a battlefield immediately after the battle, hideous as it is, is seldom quite as bad as it is represented to be. Our standard descriptions of these scenes are commonly the idealized pictures of poets and other romantic persons who have assiduously cultivated peace that they might be spared to fitly celebrate war. Their statements, therefore, are often erroneous, or, if true, the truth is not infrequently overcharged with illusory ornament. Heaps of slain cannot easily be formed except under peculiar conditions, as when the fighting is desperate within restricted spaces. Generally, the bodies are scattered far and wide, with intervals, which are often considerable, between them. There is no need to sleep on, or in immediate contact with the dead, and only a very brutish or callous fellow would do so. In truth, in putting himself to bed on the battlefield, the soldier gets at a convenient distance from the corpses, drops down without much preparation or ceremony, and quickly sinks into profound, if not always restful slumber, for he is sadly worn and very weary.

But the very perfection of repose for the Confederate soldier was to sleep on the grass, on a balmy summer night, beneath the benignant sky, with the bright stars, or better even, the mildly radiant moon, kindly beaming on him. Then he is lulled into peace with all the world, and grows charitable even towards his enemy. How soft his slumbers are, and, in his later years, how sweet their recollection - if the imminent Destinies, darkly busy, shall spare him.

He does not, at such a time, drop suddenly into oblivion, but lets his fancy stray homeward for awhile; and, be sure, if he is in the flush of youth, as so many of our soldiers were, his thoughts soon centre on some fair being whom he loves and who loves him, too, with affection not purer indeed, but yet firmer, and, to my thinking, sweeter than can nowadays prevail between young men and women; for the love of the Confederate boy and girl was the all-powerful, yet exquisitely tender love that has its birth amid great misfortunes and is nourished by profound sorrows shared by the lovers, each with the other.

Whatever Sancho Panza, Macbeth, the doctors, or other authorities have said in praise of sleep will be heartily endorsed by the Confederate soldier. It was his one solace when sinking under cold and wet, fatigue and hunger, and, most intolerable of all, under forebodings, too well grounded, of inevitable disaster. Happily, sleeping was one of his innate accomplishments; he had an alacrity for it, and a capacity for securing it which seldom failed him. Mostly, too, the sleep he got was of a gentle and benignant nature and he slept well. Alas! Alas! for earlier friends whom I saw fall asleep, and who have been sleeping now these forty years and more!

As for our food, while the surgeons during their sojourn in the hospitals may have had fare in some degree sumptuous, when they rejoined their regiments, they had to eat what the assistant surgeons ate, which was, except when some lucky chance brought an adventitious addition to the larder, just what every body else ate. In the early months of the war we fared sufficiently well; but then came scarcity, culminating, from time to time, in what was perilously close to famine. Corn bread and sorghum molasses was one of our luxuries; and, though in the last days of the Confederacy especially we fed on the fat of the land, it was of the land of Nassau, consisting of hunks of pork, all fat and no, or next to no, lean, which we tempered with hoe-cake. Yet in those days, by some mysterious nutritive process, I myself gathered more flesh on my bones than I ever had before. But I lost nearly every bit of it on the retreat to Appomattox, and I have never been able to get back more than a modicum of it since.

When our medical duties were over for the day, we governed ourselves according to circumstances. If the troops were moving we went with them and partook of their adventures, whatever they might be. If we were in camp it was always, to me at least, a problem to know what to do to enliven the usually tedious hours. I preferred to read, if there was anything to read, which was only occasionally the case. Any book would do. At one camp I came across a war-worn copy of Shakespeare, and struggled on till I got nearly through the works of the great bard. It was a labor I had never accomplished before and have never ventured on since; and at many of its stages I felt kindly towards the criminal noted by Macaulay, who preferred the galleys to Guicciardini, and could understand the feelings of the military gentleman in the house of correction who chose picking oakum as against the History of Macaulay himself. Other devices for passing the time were playing cards or chess, chatting with one another, and strolling idly about. We were very gossipy, and discussed the news and scandal of the camp just as naturally as if we had been civilians.

When we chanced to be stationed in the neighborhood of families measurably well-to-do, camp life became quite agreeable. Then we grew commendably assiduous in the observance of our social duties. By a happy concurrence of circumstances our most convenient seasons for paying visits coincided with the family's meal times, and we always courteously accepted an invitation to partake of the repast. We endeavored to requite their hospitality by communicating to the old folks all the war-news we could pick up or make up, and by dancing with the girls; and those of us who were gifted with the divine afflatus would sing for them.

I myself was greatly esteemed as a remarkably artistic vocalist and at these meetings did not churlishly hide my talent. I had but one number in my repertoire - a most mournful ballad made by me to the memory of a camp cat, which, in one of our too frequent starving times, had been caught, cooked and consumed by some of the men. An old man is prone to vaunt the triumphs of his youth, and I trust that you will bear with my vain gloriousness in declaring that the song itself was a marvel of poetic pathos, and that my voice, sweetly strong in lusty melody, was brimful of soul-shattering dolor; and that, in my opinion, I do not unbecomingly over praise myself by stating my conviction that when I executed the threnody to the tune of "The Mistletoe Bough" and to the accompaniment of the cracked-pot riles of a junk-shop lute, the sorrowing Psalmist himself, had he been a listener, would have been tenfold more eager for wings like a dove that he might fly away and be at rest. I was also a notable dancer, and, while I admit that I was not conspicuously expert in the technicalities of dancing, I was gifted with a large share of suppleness, flexibility and endurance, and was renowned for my great feat of dancing full four miles vertically for each mile horizontally.

These gatherings, naturally, were favorable to the development and growth of the tenderer feelings, and the boys and girls here formed attachments. For, even in those stern and bitter days, courting and marrying went on in our desolated land much as they were going on under happier skies. Some of these attachments eventuated in the marriage of more than one of my own companions and friends. Of the girls with whom I myself thus became acquainted there was one in especial who comes vividly to my mind now. She married an officer of my regiment not very long before the end of the war, and during the unusually prolonged period we chanced to be stationed near her home her sunny nature showered brightness all about us. Her kind and gentle heart has long been stilled, for it was her fate to pass away amid gloom and anguish in the last days of our humiliation and ruin. As I write of her at this distant time my heart is overflowing with tender recollections and impels me to pay my poor tribute to her memory.

Indeed, for us poor harried men, sorely beset and beaten down, it was indispensable to have the comfort and support that woman is so marvelously fitted to bestow. What would have become of us without our women it is hard to conjecture. The deeper we sunk the closer they clasped us; and when at last we were utterly submerged there they were with us still, nearer and dearer than ever. And it was they who raised us out of the pit. For their sake we proceeded to re-establish our homes and strove to mend our broken fortunes, in which efforts they gave inestimable help. From my own home, whose solitude is not lightened by the presence of wife or child, let me waft across the dusty years my benediction on the Confederate women - on the younger ones who made me happier by their companionship, and on the older ones who were ministering angels to the sick and wounded and despairing - nor shall I ungraciously withhold my blessing from good and loving women, all and everywhere.

These visits to the neighbors often extended quite far into the night, and during one of my nocturnal prowls I had the unspeakable satisfaction of falling in with a collection of jack-o'-lanterns - things I have never seen but this once. As my paper is painfully bare of scientific matter, and as jack-o'-lanterns are scientific phenomena, I seize upon them to help out my scanty stock. In common with all the little Southern children before the war I had been fully instructed by my African nurses and playfellows in the mystical lore inherited by them from their fatherland, and which they had assiduously cultivated and added to and improved upon. The jack-o'-lantern was one of their most valued specialties and they had put me in possession of so much circumstantial information concerning its eccentric and baleful peculiarities that in my earlier years I felt for it the most respectful apprehension. As we grow older, however, most of us grow more or less skeptical, and I had at length come to disbelieve in jack-o'-lanterns almost altogether. But let no man doubt them. There are such apparitions, for I have seen them - at midnight, hovering over dead men's graves, under the solemn shadow of a church - just the conditions which had been prescribed by the most able among my African instructors. Moreover, it was asserted by them that the most favorable circumstance for evoking the appearance of a jack-o'-lantern was for the wanderer to be returning from a henhouse attended by its inhabitants. Whether this circumstance was in operation on the night in question I will not positively affirm or deny, for in the multiplicity of occurrences of a cognate kind any individual one is but too apt, in the lapse of years, to glide out of the recollection. I can only say that we indeed did not infrequently commingle foraging with our social pleasures.

The church ahead been used for a temporary hospital, and the men who had died there were buried near it. Not the least melancholy incident associated with warfare is the hurried and unceremonious sepulture that often unavoidably has to be accorded to soldiers who die while serving in the field. In the exigencies that beset an army actively employed there is but little time or opportunity for observing the elaborate decencies considered by civilians as indispensable at a burial. Indeed, the dead soldier may congratulate himself, supposing he is in condition to do so, if he has been buried at all - though I can say that no instance ever came under my notice during our war where at least this much was not done for him. The graves at the church were a group of five or six. They were, no doubt, very shallow, and perhaps the bodies had been interred without coffins. At any rate, the conditions for rapid decomposition were favorable, and this was going on.

As I approached I saw each grave marked out in its whole extent by a ghastly phosphorescent gleam floating over it. I got off my horse and made as critical an examination as I could. The light did not develop till the exhalation had risen some two feet above the grave. It was of a pronounced blue color, which, though pallid in its tint, was very distinct and conspicuously visible, and of uniform tenuity without glow or coruscation. It was very sensitive to air currents, and I could make it vanish by a wave of my hand, but in a few seconds it would glide into sight again after a very ghostly fashion. Altogether the spectacle was one of great interest to me, and, though far less awesome that the vision that had been imprinted on my young mind, was not without impressiveness. Certain it is that not one of my old-time colored contemporaries, had he chanced to come upon it, but would have felt his soul shriveling up within him as he gazed. Some few nights after this apparition I passed the haunted spot again, but the jack-o'-lanterns were gone.

In recalling the medical aspects of our life in camp, with the view of imparting something that you might thing of value, I am greatly disappointed at finding that I have scarcely anything which is worthy of your attention. As to our methods, I may say, as a general statement, that we aimed to conform to the science of the time, though the restrictions to which our ever-increasing necessities subjected us often forbade the practice of it. We did not do the best we would, but the best we could. And what we knew of military medicine, compared with what is known of it now, seems small and of inferior quality. Particularly, the rigid antiseptic notions of these days did not enter our heads. We had correct ideas as to ordinary cleanliness and decency, and we policed the camp in accordance with them, but there was no excessive care, nor anything approaching the refinements of present-day sanitary science - such as were applied during and after the Spanish war. Yet the contrast in the results accompanying our crude methods to those attained in the later war is most obvious and most remarkable. Perhaps, then, when I say that our knowledge, in some directions, seems to have been inferior to that of this time, I use the proper word, and that, in fact, the condition was more seeming than real. It is much the habit of arrogant youth to belittle the knowledge of the old. But inquirers whose researches lead them to study the work of their quite remote predecessors are constantly surprised at the learning and ability of those ancient men, and very well know that to the question so triumphantly propounded, "What would the ancients say?" to this or that modern exploit, that the ancients aforesaid would not seldom be fully authorized to say something crushingly uncomplimentary.

Early in the morning we had sick-call, when those who claimed to be ill or disabled came up to be passed upon. Diagnosis was rapidly made, usually by intuition, and treatment was with such drugs as we chanced to have in the knap-sack and were handiest to obtain. In serious cases we made an honest effort to bring to bear all the skill and knowledge we possessed, but our science could rarely display itself to the best advantage on account of the paucity of our resources. On the march my own practice was of necessity still further simplified, and was, in fact, reduced to the lowest terms. In one pocket of my trousers I had a ball of blue mass, in another a ball of opium. All complainants were asked the same question, "How are your bowels?" If they were open, I administered a plug of opium; if they were shut, I gave a plug of blue mass.

The prevailing diseases were intestinal disorders, though we had a share of almost every malady. Occasionally we suffered seriously from measles. Smallpox was effectively kept in check by vaccination. Intermittent and other malarial fevers at times incapacitated regiments to an extent which was really portentous. Our management of these various diseases presented, as far as I know, nothing unusual or novel. None of the well-developed cases remained long under my care, for they were sent from the camp to the hospital to be treated by the surgeon. When I have sometimes modestly advanced the statement that, during all my army experience, I never lost a case of fever, or of pneumonia, or, indeed, of anything else, except when the subject had been slain outright, captious members of the profession have said that this was because I sent the men off before they could get a chance to die. This explanation seems plausible only because the fact is true. I will not waste time in controverting it, but content myself with saying that my reputation as a successful practitioner was much higher with the regiment than was that of the surgeon, who, it was universally perceived, lost a good may cases that lived as long as I had them, and died only after they fell into his hands.

A modicum of surgical practice was furnished by the accidents that occurred. These were not as numerous, nor, generally, as grave as the inherent carelessness and recklessness of the soldier temperament would warrant us in expecting. Once source was the unexploded shells which were apt to be pretty plentifully scattered over the ground after a battle, and particularly so in localities where we were camped for a time in the neighborhood of the enemy. Under these circumstances there was often much artillery firing indulged in for inappreciable reasons. No one minded it much, and, on the whole, the missiles were more dangerous after they had come to rest than in their flight. It was the delight of the men to tinker with the unexploded shells, and, opening them, to drain out the powder and peck out the balls with which they were charged. As this operation was not always thoroughly done the discarded shells, which were carelessly thrown aside, could still be very formidable should a spark from a pipe or a fire reach them.

To one of these shells I owed the promise of a case of transcendent surgical interest and instruction, and worthy to be reported in the journals as rivaling, or even surpassing, the celebrated crow-bar case, where the implement passed through the victim's brain without materially damaging him. One afternoon a good old Rebel was making ready to solace himself with the unaccustomed refreshment of a copious mess of apple dumplings, which he was boiling in a pot supported over the fire by help of one of these imperfectly eviscerated shells. In due time the pot was blown up with a report that roused the whole brigade. I hastened to the spot, and on approaching the veteran was astonished at the spectacle he presented. Apparently, all his brains had literally been blown out and bespattered him from head to foot, while, notwithstanding, he was not only erect, but was able to move about and his head was still whole - a marvelous pathological phenomenon. You will fully sympathize, I have no doubt, with the keen disappointment I felt when a minuter investigation showed that it was not his brains, but the apples from his dumplings. As for him, he was unhurt bodily, and mentally was not visibly moved by the grandeur of the blow-up of the pot, which all the other beholders agreed was uncommonly sublime, though the loss of the dumplings, which had been scattered to the four winds of heaven, affected him profoundly.

Normally, we were scant of medicines, and, generally, they were of the commoner kinds. At times, however, we were well supplied, and with excellent preparations. These times would be when captures had been made, or medicines of Northern or European manufacture had come through the blockade. The Confederate pharmaceutical laboratories worked industriously, but under great disadvantages, and their output was, in many directions, not surpassingly excellent. Among other things they made blue mass. This would have been a very satisfactory product could its components have managed to keep themselves in harmonious juxtaposition; but, as it was, it would not be long after the mass reached us before the mercury seceded from the rest and settled off by itself at the bottom of the holder. The loyal residue we used for its appointed ends, and the rebel mercury we sometimes utilized to circumvent the inferior forms of life that trod in hosts with equal foot the general careering on his charger and the private wallowing in his mud-hole.

On the battlefield our stock of medical and surgical supplies was particularly condensed. As for the latter, we had chiefly a pocket-case of instruments, plaster and bandages. Bandages were plentiful, but we seldom had splints. We could usually find some makeshift for these. On one occasion I used a whole fence-rail for a broken arm, being unable to do any better. I had just finished making the rail secure when a turn in affairs forced us to take to flight. My patient started to run with the rest, but the distal end of the heavy rail tilted downward, stuck in the ground, and jerked him up short at every step. I do not precisely know what became of him, but unless he had the sagacity to turn round and retreat backward I fear I was instrumental in delivering him into the hands of the enemy.

Our most valued medicament was the alcoholic liquors, which were furnished to us sometimes in the form of whiskey and at other times of apple brandy. These preparations were esteemed by the surgical staff very generally as a specific for malaria especially - a condition which was very prevalent, and to which the surgeons with whom I as associated believed themselves to be peculiarly susceptible. Feeling that a breakdown on our part would work irretrievable detriment to the country we patriotically strove to ward off the calamity by instituting a grand sanitary soirée on the night of the day on which the supplies arrived in camp, where we would tone up our systems and corroborate our constitutions by drinking up every drop of the prophylactic before morning.

It is a remarkable circumstance that the medical purveyor, learned as he admittedly was in medical science, was never able to grasp the fact, which was knowledge of the most elementary kind to us, that army surgeons are specially cursed with a malarial idiosyncrasy, and, on the other hand, that they are blessed with a special adaptability to the remedy. He appears to have gone no deeper in the matter than to note that, however large the quantity of whiskey and apple brandy he issued, credit fora surplus had never been known on the records; whereat he marveled much, and in his replies to our requisitions would couple his expressions of wonderment with painfully injurious surmises and commonplace explanations of the deficit suggested in very plain terms.

Apparently, the Federal medical department was troubled with similar perplexities, and it had devised a method for quite effectively obviating them. This consisted in thoroughly embittering its whiskey with quinine, or some equivalent atrocity. I infer that this was their method from the fact that our brigade, on one occasion, captured a large keg of their liquor. Our surgical staff was then in one of its run-down conditions, and undertook to build up on this tonic. It was found to be a very intractable process, and resulted in our formulating the opinion that to mix quinine with whiskey is a pharmaceutical mistake and a practice to be reprehended.

As alcoholic liquors were indispensable on a battlefield, it is conceivable that the sudden and complete vanishing to which they were liable might at some time prove to be a very serious matter. And so it would have been but that one of our staff, being in tolerably constant communication with his own home, where there was a distillery, was able to keep on hand a full keg of his own, from which he would generously supply the rest of us when an exigency required it.

We were devout believers in the old medical aphorism which declares that "wine is the milk of age" - old age, middle age, any age. We had no wine, only whiskey and apple brandy, but they would do. In these latter days something of a reaction against alcohol as a remedy has come. However it may be in civil practice, where substitutes of equal efficiency may possibly be attainable, I have not the least doubt of its surpassing utility in military practice on the battlefield. In truth, I am constrained to think that the present day hostility to alcohol is not founded on accurate scientific knowledge so obviously as on infection by the recklessly active crusade against it which is a marked feature of our time. It may be true, as we are told, in the Women's Christian Temperance Association's school physiologies, that alcohol will cause the tissues of warts and corns to degenerate, crumble away and disappear, to the great sorrow of childhood, which is prone to look upon these appendages with pride; and a special appeal has been made to the consciences of such military men themselves as would rather be entombed in the stomach of a buzzard than not be buried at all, by the terrifying statement that these birds turn with indignant disgust from the bodies of liquor-swilling soldiers dead on the battlefield. These may be formidable objections to the use of alcohol, but the military surgeon of my day would have thought that they were offset by the fact, demonstrated by innumerable instances, that it promptly rallies the deep sunk spirits of the wounded soldier, and snatches him from the jaws of imminent death.

The profound shock induced by severe gunshot wounds, and the tendency of soldiers to vastly exaggerate the gravity of trivial one, have been constantly noted by writers on military surgery. These injuries are indeed capable of cowing the most courageous soul. During one of the greatest of our battles a Confederate general, deservedly famous for his bravery, hurried to my station on the field in piteous perturbation, convinced that he was mortally wounded. He was copiously treated from our black bottle, and after a rather inordinate quantity of the resuscitator had been taken - for, in deference to his rank, he was allowed to adjust the doses himself - he rallied sufficiently for me to make an examination. He had been struck by a bullet which had made an abrasion of considerable length, but exceedingly superficial, on the right leg of his boot - and this was all. He would not believe it till he had cleared his intellect by a few more doses of the restorative, when he admitted the correctness of my diagnosis, and returned to his command, where he fought with his accustomed courage to the end of the action.

I may here be permitted to remark that the terror of soldiers is a somewhat curious phenomenon, with peculiarities which might repay investigation. While their intrepidity is displaying itself in deeds of the most exalted courage it can, in the twinkling of an eye, collapse into the most abject cowardice. Julius Caesar himself, if we can trust the report of Cassius, flunked badly on more than one occasion. Says Cassius -

"I did mark
How he did shake; 'tis true, this god did shake;
His coward lips did from their color fly."

And there is the memorable instance of the Great Frederick, of all warriors perhaps the most consummate, who fled the field already won. Many soldier, officers and privates, whose courage had been tried and approved by the severest tests on innumerable fields, have told me that there were times when there would come upon them an almost overmastering fear under circumstances in no way peculiar, and which would not adequately account for it. It is a characteristic of the human mind, of which I question if there has ever been a single adverse instance, that its noblest qualities, assiduously cultivated and guarded with the utmost care, will now and then, from some vague cause, become uncontrollable and temporarily give way; and perhaps the most we can in justice require of even the steadiest of our fellow mortals is that these lapses shall be few and not the habit of the mind.

For my own part, I freely admit that I was never in a battle but that I should have felt the most exultant joy had I been out of it. In all, however, I contrived, somehow or other, to bear up more or less satisfactorily except in two of them - the battle of Malvern Hill and the battle of Sailor's Creek. At Malvern Hill I was still ill with a remittent fever which had attacked me a few days before. The battle was raging and we were hurrying forward to take a place in the line when suddenly I felt like Julius Caesar, shaking all over and my lips and their color parting company. A horrible fear took possession of me and I was in a deplorable state physically, mentally, and morally. During a halt I was directed to intercept the stragglers, who were becoming numerous, and send to their commands those who were not demonstrably unfit for fighting. This was a most humiliating duty, for I was painfully conscious that I was lording it over many a man who was worthier than myself. Apart from my illness, which I had not regarded as disqualifying me for service, there was nothing in the circumstances of this battle more formidable than what I had encountered many times before. Yet my dread was extreme, and, as it turned out, was entirely unnecessary, for our brigade did not get into the action.

I was afterward in a great many other battles, but in none did this hideous sensation recur till in my very last battle of all, which was the battle of Sailor's Creek, three days before the surrender at Appomattox. Here my large and varied store of military experiences was enriched with the knowledge of how it feels to be part and parcel of a thorough-going panic. Hitherto it had been my inexpressibly good fortune to be with, or, at any rate, behind, men who, though occasionally compelled to fall back, knew the art of doing it with decent precipitancy. I was now with these men, and on the firing line itself, for they were doomed, and I was resolved to share the fate of my old friends and comrades whatever it was to be. But, though bullets were flying copiously, I felt no extraordinary apprehension. In fact, fear was driven out by despair, for all of us knew that this was our last stand, that overwhelming defeat was certain, and that escape would be well-nigh impossible. Every one of my regiment who was engaged in this battle except myself and a slightly wounded soldier was killed or captured. The somewhat singular manner of my own escape is a story that might be worth telling if this were the place for it.

In the cataclysm that occurred I managed to associate myself with another regiment, which was retreating at a double-quick. Behind us musket-firing, cannonading and yelling were incessant and tremendous. For awhile our retreat, though rapid, was remarkably orderly, and I trotted along on foot - for I had lost my horse - in reasonably good spirits. But presently a little unsteadiness manifested itself, which quickly became a decided wobble, and then, in a moment, as though it had exploded, the whole organization flew to pieces. It was a wonderful and startling sight. These heroes of a hundred glorious fields had instantaneously lost their manliness and become reduced to the grade of a flock of terror-stricken children. It did not take long for me to be thoroughly infected, and I got over the ground with amazing celerity, unimpeded by the reflection that I had not the least idea of whither I was going. The fact is, I was in very light marching order, having little on my outside and nothing at all inside except a few grains of intractably flinty corn, which I had been munching for the past two days. The risk of being killed was imminent, for not only did the pursuing enemy keep up their fire, but many of our own men, preserving even in the panic the noble soldierly instinct of returning a fire, as soon as they heard any one drawing near to their rear, would throw their guns back over their shoulders, blaze away, and, casting the weapons from them would race on with redoubled energy without turning their heads to see at what they had fired. Yet, in this, the very presence of death, I had absolutely no fear of it. It was not this that gave wings to my feet - it was the dread of capture. This misfortune had never before presented itself to my mind as something that might not be endured with fortitude, but now for some reason the idea of it took complete possession of my soul and overwhelmed it with horror and dismay.

In their headlong flight the men lightened themselves of their arms, knapsacks, blankets, of whatever impediment they could get rid. And so we plunged along, puffing and blowing, enveloped in all the hideous noises of battle, helter-skelter, higgledy-piggledy, each for himself, God for nobody, and the devil take the hindmost - by the nine gods of war, I swear it was a mess. In the maniac rush, though a few dropped out, and, cowering behind trees, yielded prematurely to their fate, the great body kept together, and at length coming to a broad road, cheered by its ample and unobstructed track, they turned into it and fled along it pell-mell. In great extremities early religious impressions are apt to force themselves upon the mind, and now I vividly remembered that instructive old hymn which admonishes us that

"Broad is the road that leads to death,
And thousands flock together there;
But wisdom shows a narrow path,
With here and there a traveler."

And accordingly I shot across the road into a field, and ran and ran till I fell down gasping for breath and with my tongue hanging out of my mouth. From this lair I saw a troop of Federal cavalry come galloping and yelling down the broad road in hot pursuit of my late companions, whose career in a few minutes thereafter was brought to a disastrous close. But I had escaped, and ultimately got to Appomattox, where I wandered around till the surrender - a vagabond soldier, friendless, starving and utterly miserable.

The panics of trained soldiers must, however, be regarded as abnormal phenomena, and it would be most unjust to view them as evidences of dishonoring cowardice. The fact is, that in an army, courage is a plentiful as blackberries, and much more so. It is rare indeed to find a man who failed when the test was applied. On the day of the battle of Gettysburg, whose terrible gravity was foreseen by all of us, a day remarkable for the enervating and sickening heat of the weather, when sick-call was sounded in my regiment not a man responded and not one asked to be excused from duty. And so, too, the surgical staff everywhere and on all occasions displayed all the courage that was necessary, but, fully realizing that it was their function to heal wounds, not to receive them, and with minds clarified and enlightened by the elevating character of their studies and pursuits, very judiciously forbore to exhibit a superfluous amount of it.

But it was on the battlefield that the assistant surgeon was in his own sphere, for it was the method of our service for him to be with the troops when they were in action, that he might render immediate aid to the wounded. Here he did his strenuous work. Abandoned by the surgeon to his fate he had to depend upon himself, and here was sternly tested whatever he possessed of resource, fortitude and self-sacrifice.

It was the custom of the assistant surgeons of our brigade to work together for the benefit of mutual help. As the troops advanced we kept with them and closely scrutinized the locality in the search for places suitable for stations, noting trees, fences, straw-stacks, depressions of the surface, or whatever offered a show of shelter, and especially looking for gullies, which were the most desirable of all. It was necessary for these stations to be near the engaged men, and we could not always find a satisfactory place; and sometimes our only protection while ministering to a wounded man was by sitting, or even lying, with him on the ground. We, however, were blessed with the inestimable privilege of having among us an assistant surgeon who was one of Nature's born topographers. He was intuitively skilled in dynamics and conversant with parabolas and trajectories and the relations of the angles of incidence and reflection, and possessed an instinct for the line of most resistance. He was also an adept in the calculus of probabilities, and, moreover, had an exquisitely developed antipathy to every kind of personal wound or injury. This gifted man took an energetic part in the selection of our stations, and to his opinions and judgment the rest of us paid the greatest deference.

As the men moved forward to get into position they would not infrequently be under heavy fire, and we assistant surgeons had to maneuver against it the best we could. When line of battle was formed it was often the case that we were in it, and there we remained till some one was wounded, and, as a wounded man could not be allowed at the front, we had the opportunity of an honorable retreat with him to our station in the rear. I will not hypocritically assert that in those days I was ostentatiously pious, but when I was under these baptisms of fire it was my wont to pray as devoutly as my religious knowledge and experience qualified me to do that I might be spared merely till some one else got hit - and I was particularly fervent in the aspiration that this might befall right speedily.

During my first battle I was in the thick of it the whole time without shelter, having been ordered by the surgeon in his final injunction, before he decamped, to stay right with the men, and in the novelty of the position I did not know how to care for myself. The bullets whizzing past me were for awhile rather dismaying, but, finding that I still lived, I heartened up gradually, and the longer I lived the greater the assurance I felt that I was not to die, till presently I stood the fire with an equanimity that astonished me. But after the battle, when I betook myself to serious reflection, it occurred to me that to be shot at by innumerable people for indefinite periods was a somewhat risky adventure, and I made a vow that for the future I would indulge in it with frugality - a vow which I faithfully kept; or, when I broke it, my conscience is clear that it was from no sinful compliance of my own.

We shifted our stations, when it became necessary, to conform to the movements of the fighting line, and it was our good fortune to very seldom have to fall back. Our surgical work was usually very simple, though often there was enough of it to keep us fully and laboriously employed. It consisted chiefly of the application of plaster and bandages and the administration of stimulants, and superintending the placing of the badly wounded in the ambulances for transportation to the field hospital. No elaborate surgical procedure was undertaken unless there was urgent necessity for it. Sometimes a very extended area was fought over, and wounded men, both our own and the enemy's, would be scattered about it, often, if the country was wooded or otherwise difficult, in out-of-the-way places, whither they had wandered. When the battle was ended, if our troops had possession of the field, we had to hunt up these unfortunates - a duty willingly performed, though not infrequently an arduous one.

The army with which our group of assistant surgeons served was long triumphant, and during this time our lot was reasonably endurable; but at last the change came, and our lot changed, too. Our tribulations began the day following the breaking of the Petersburg lines, and a strenuous day it was for us assistant surgeons. Its history was made up of a diversified series of marches, halts, ambushes and sudden attacks, ending late in the afternoon with a break-neck race for a bridge over a protecting stream, and the hottest kind of pursuit thither by the Federal troops. Our staff got over the bridge safely, but many of our companions were cut off and caught on the other side. It was on this eventful day that I first had experience of the military formation called the hollow square, of which I had a historical recollection from its Napoleonic association with "asses and savants to the center." My judgment of it was that the center was an eminently proper place for an ass, for no one else would put himself where he would be the focus for the shots from every side. The square was formed when attacks were made upon us by unseen enemies as we passed through bodies of thick woods. On these occasions I preferred to remain outside the square and gyrate around a tree.

This day inaugurated a week of unspeakable woe. Of its hardships and perils the assistant surgeons bore an equal share with the fighting men, having no option in the matter. Our surgeons were not with us, for they remained at the field hospital when we began our pilgrimage, and had their independent adventures. I do not remember seeing any of them again till I was approaching Appomattox, where at least one of them eventually arrived with heartbreaking accounts of troubles of his own.

The roll of surgeons slain in the Civil War is, I believe, not of impressive length; nor do I know that vast hosts of assistant surgeons perished in the conflict - though I have heard that one or two of them were killed. That they were susceptible, under favorable conditions, to slaughter is, I think, shown by an experience of my own at the battle of Gettysburg. Our station on this field had been selected by our medical topographer with his utmost art, and seemed an ideal one, being a little dell in a grove conveniently in the rear of the troops. Here we had a large collection of apple-butter pots, gathered from the surrounding country, which were filled with water to be used for the wounded. Feeling eminently secure we lolled and waited for the battle to begin. It began with that furious cannonade which is remembered as the most thunderous that has ever shaken the earth. It was appalling to us, for our topographer had by some strange misapplication of his recondite learning contrived to place us in the very centré and focus of fire. In a moment the air was filled with limbs of trees, scraps of butter-pots and yells of fleeing medical men and knapsack-toters. I undertook to keep company with my companions, but my horse, young and restive, had tangled himself in a tree and I could not immediately extricate him. I was thus for some minutes made an involuntary witness of the impressive spectacle. It is impossible to describe it. I question if in all civilized warfare there can be found anything more sublimely awful that the crash of a broadside of cannon-shot through a stockade of apple-butter pots. I did not, however, linger unduly to contemplate it. Having at last released my horse I moved off with him without mounting, pacing along with the dignity befitting my professional character dashed somewhat with briskness. I had gone only a little way when I suddenly felt what I have seen described in accounts of hangings as a dull thud. Dull as it was, it was sufficiently sharp to convince me, for the moment, that I was slain; and I remember that I was much troubled in mind to know whether I had been honorably put to death by a legitimate missile, or had been ignominiously butchered by a butter-pot. It did not take me long to discover that I was still living and in tolerable condition. It is true that one leg had been paralyzed by the shot, but, by way of compensation, the function of the other had been proportionately exalted, and on this I hobbled vigorously away, and at length reached a sheltering gully, where I investigated my injuries. I found that there was nothing more serious than the loss of three or four cubic inches of tissue, which had been scooped out of me; and presently by slow degrees and with much cautious maneuvering I retraced my steps toward the field of battle. On the outskirts of the field I encountered the colonel of my regiment with nearly all his teeth neatly and effectively extracted by a bullet received in the mouth. He could, however, speak sufficiently plainly to tell me that I could not go on without being killed, and I understood him very well when he ordered me to go back.

With the pardonable vanity of a veteran who has been battered in the wars its has always been a delight for me to relate this incident. Particularly, when, some years since, I taught science to the boys and girls of the Richmond high school, where I at times relieved the aridity of scientific details with accounts of my military experiences, was I accustomed to narrate this piteous story with much feeling. The girls especially would become deeply touched with sympathy for the sufferings of their teacher, and perceiving no obvious marks of injury anywhere on my person, but full of that kindly curiosity which is so amiable a characteristic of the female sex, these tender-hearted little beings would exclaim, "Oh, poor Doctor TAYLOR! Where are you wounded?" To this affectionate inquiry I could only reply simply, "At Gettysburg;" for to their untechnical minds it would have conveyed no information to tell them that it was in the gluteus maximus muscle.

Whenever I speak of the battle of Gettysburg my mind reverts to something which, though it is hardly pertinent to the subject of my paper, though it is hardly pertinent to the subject of my paper, I trust you will not be unwilling to hear - and it is about a parson. Much laudation has been expended on this and that "fighting parson;" but, as far as I have observed, there has been a notable dearth of specification of the feats of arms he did. Perhaps it will not be deemed invidious if I make some mention of a certain praying parson and of a particular prayer he offered, when I was present and knelt with him. It was on the battlefield of Gettysburg, and just before the battle.

As far as I know, the incident was unique in our armies. A great array of war-battered soldiers baring their hearts and pouring out their very souls in united appeal to the God of battles as they were about to march into the jaws of death is something not likely to sink out of the notice of him who was part of it; and yet I have seen no mention of such a thing among the innumerable reminiscences of the war. It has been my fortune to witness much that was grand, that was sublime, that was terrible, but nothing has ever stirred the profoundest feelings of my nature as did this prayer before the battle. I have no language fitting to describe the solemn impressiveness of the occasion. We were then at rest, and all around was a quietude ominous in its stillness. The day was glowing with summer brightness, the landscape was pleasant to look upon, but our circumstances were too fateful to permit even young and ardent men to utterly dismiss foreboding thoughts. Our chaplain asked us to join with him in prayer, and all of us knelt with him on the ground. he prayed for us, feverently for all of us, and most beseechingly for those to whom it had been appointed to die this day; but most touching of all was his remembrance of the dear ones in our distant homes, who, we knew, were at this hour anxiously thinking of us and mingling their prayers with ours. He ended and turned away weeping, knowing that with some of us he had communed for the last time in this world. He could not foresee how very great the number was to be whose faces he was to behold no more, for whom he was not to be permitted to perform last rites, but whose burial was to be what the victor deigns to give the vanquished.1

The term "fighting parson" has, I must confess, to me a discordant sound. I cannot say whether this is because I have old-fashioned notions, or, as I think is more probable, because I am a primitive Christian without knowing it. It is certain, however, that all the confederate chaplains were not fighters, but that some of them left fighting to be done by people whose duty it was to do it, and were mere ministers to the spiritual needs, and often, very often, to the bodily needs, too, of distressed and sorrowing soldiers. This sort of thing was not very glorious, but there were times, as many of us old Rebels can recall, when such ministrations were more grateful than would have been the putting to rout of a whole regiment of Yankees by the chaplain. Very little has ever been said of these humble workers, but I do not clearly see that if the surgeons, who were in safe nooks two or three miles away from the turmoil and danger of battle, are to parade as military heroes, why the chaplains, who were in these places with them and shared their safety, should not partake of their glory too.

One of the chaplains of my regiment did transform himself into an actual fighting parson, serving as an aide to a general. One afternoon, in the lull of one of the desperate battles marking General Grant's advance on Richmond, I found him lying dead on the field. He had been shot while on horseback, and his attitude afforded a striking example of the condition known as cadaveric spasm, and was a startling reproduction of one of the Masonic signs.

As a final observation I remark that, from the standpoint of the army surgeon, the horrors of war have been vastly augmented by modern advances. The long-range weapons of these days will compel surgeons to establish their hospitals farther from the battlefield than our surgeons placed theirs, which assuredly were not set up abnormally near. An old Rebel surgeon will be devoutly thankful when he considers that in his times of stress, as the enemy hurried him hither and thither, he was at least spared the anxiety of looking out for his sterilizing plant, his x-ray machinery, his cans of turtle soup, lobster, and plum pudding, and his corps of female nurses.

Here I conclude my rambling narrative. It was never my chance during the war to meet with any surgeons of the Northern armies. But one of the surgeons of the regiment to which I was attached had this experience, having been placed in charge of some of our wounded who were in the hands of the enemy. On his return to us he gave a most appreciative account of the hospitable and fraternal treatment he had received from the Federal surgeons; and I have heard many Confederate soldiers speak most gratefully of the solicitous attention bestowed by the doctors upon them when they were wounded prisoners. These are pleasant instances of amenities that now and then softened the grimness of fratricidal warfare. From all that I have ever learned the surgeons both of the Northern and Southern armies adhered sacredly to that principle of our beneficent calling which will not permit us to classify human misery by race, or creed, or political opinion, but leads us instinctively to extend our succoring hand impartially to any afflicted fellow man. The loving memories of the cause for which I made my poor share of sacrifice, which well up from my heart and will not be restrained, are not inconsistent with my profound gladness that my countrymen are again united. Our own profession, bound together by ideals that pertain to all humanity, could never be much severed by the conflict, and since it has ended our union has been growing ever closer and more brotherly. Time and events have obliterated former aspirates, and I know that you have a fraternal regard for the few Confederate surgeons yet lagging on the stage. You have shown your consideration for one of the humblest among them by listening to his slight story of experiences often hard and bitter, though told in light words and, he fears, in trivial form - a story which he will hope may have somewhat in it to exalt, if only in a small degree, your kindly feeling for them all.

1 The brigade to which I belonged (Garnett's) lost in Pickett's charge at Gettysburg sixty-five per cent., and every officer of my regiment, from colonel to corporal, was either killed or wounded.

NOTE ABOUT THE AUTHOR: William Henry Taylor was born on May 17, 1835 in Richmond, VA. He received his M. D. in 1856 from the Medical College of Virginia, Richmond, Virginia. On February 5, 1862, he was appointed Assistant Surgeon, CSA and served with the 8th Virginia and 17th Georgia Infantry regiments. On August 31, 1864 he was promoted to Surgeon, CSA. He was the Surgeon of the 19th Virginia when the regiment surrendered on April 9, 1865 at Appomattox. From 1874 to 1890, he practiced in Richmond and was a professor at the Medical College of Virginia. He died on April 14, 1917 in Richmond about a month shy of his 82nd birthday. This information was supplied by F. Terry Hambrecht, M.D. If anyone has any additional information on Dr. Taylor, please contact The Society of Civil War Surgeons, 539 Bristol Drive, SW, Reynoldsburg, OH 43068 [740.964.6116].

4. General Fowler: About Col. and Brevet Brig. Gen. Edward B. Fowler, the following is from C. V. Tevis and D. R. Marquis, The History of the Fighting Fourteenth: Published in Commemoration of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Muster of the Regiment into the United States Service, May 23, 1861 (Brooklyn Eagle Press, Brooklyn, New York: 1911), p. 288:

  FOWLER, EDWARD B. ¾ Age, 35 years. Enrolled, April 18, 1861, at Brooklyn, to serve three years; mustered in as lieutenant colonel. April 19, 1861; as colonel, October 24, 1862; mustered out, with regiment, June 6, 1864, at New York City; commissioned lieutenant colonel in Fourteenth Militia, April 27, 1861, ith rank from April 19, 1861; colonel, October 24, 1862 with rank from October 1, 1862, vice A. M. Wood, resigned. [Alfred M. Wood, at the age of 33, was commissioned as a colonel when the regiment was orgainized in April 1861.]

A statue of Edward B. Fowler, sculpted by Henry Baerer and unveiled in 1902, can be seen in Ft. Greene Park, in Brooklyn, at the junction of Lafayette Avenue and Fulton Street.

The men of the 14th New York State Militia, or the 14th Brooklyn, were called the "Red-Legged Devils," not least because of their larges culottes rouges. As late as World War I, units such as the famous 4e Régiment de zouaves of the Armée Française continued to be outfitted in this manner:


Battle Dress of the 14th Brooklyn (14th New York State Militia)

Summary history, by an unknown author, of the 14th Brooklyn, based on C. V. Tevis and D. R. Marquis, The History of the Fighting Fourteenth: Published in Commemoration of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Muster of the Regiment into the United States Service, May 23, 1861 (Brooklyn Eagle Press, Brooklyn, New York: 1911):

  The 14th Brooklyn was organized in April 1861, after the fall of Fort Sumter. A. M. Wood was commissioned colonel of the regiment. Company K was organized by Lt. Col. E. B. Fowler in July 1861 and Charles H. Morris was commissioned captain of the company. The ranks of the original companies were filled by April 18, 1861. They drilled at Fort Greene and left for the front on May 18, 1861. The 14th NYSM (New York State Militia), was assigned to Andrew Porter’s Brigade of Hunter’s Division. On July 21, 1861, at the 1st Battle of Bull Run, the 14th Brooklyn was part of the flanking column that crossed Bull Run at Sudley Ford. They also helped to cover the retreat of McDowell’s Union Army back to the defenses of Washington, D. C. In the Fall of 1861, the Brigade was put under command of Gen’l E. D. Keyes. The 14th Brooklyn was renamed the 84th NY Volunteers but after many complaints by the soldiers, the name reverted to the 14th Brooklyn. In the Spring of 1862, C. C. Augur was put in command of Keyes's Brigade. In July 1862, President Lincoln created the Army of Virginia and put Gen’l John Pope in command. Hatch was then placed in command of Augur’s Brigade and was placed in King’s Division of the Army of Virginia. The 14th NYSM helped to cover Pope’s retreat to Washington on August 30th at the 2nd Battle of Bull Run. With Hatch’s promotion to Division command, Col. Phelps was placed in command of the Brigade. The Army of Virginia was consolidated into the Army of the Potomac and the 1st Corps of the Army of Potomac was created. Gen’l Joseph Hooker was placed in command of the 1st Corps. The 14th Brooklyn would distinguish itself at the Battle of South Mountain on September 14, 1862 and they supported Gibbon’s Iron Brigade in D. R. Miller’s Cornfield on the morning of September 17, 1862, at the Battle of Antietam. They sustained casualties of 6 killed and 21 wounded. On December 13th, at the bloody Battle of Fredericksburg, the 14th Brooklyn helped to hold the Federal left flank but saw limited action. They endured the terrible Winter of 1862-1863 at Falmouth, VA, which was called the “Union Valley Forge”. Gen’l Hooker was placed in command of the Army of Potomac in January 1863 and boosted the morale of the army after the terrible winter. The 14th Brooklyn supported the 24th Michigan and the 6th Wisconsin in their attack on the Rebel line at Fitzhugh’s Crossing below Fredericksburg on April 29, 1863, while Hooker marched most of the Army of the Potomac up the river and across the Rappahannock and Rapidan Rivers. During the Battle of Chancellorsville on May 1-5, 1863, the 14th Brooklyn saw very limited action. On July 1, 1863, along with the 6th WI, captured many of the Missisippi troops of Davis’ Brigade at the Railroad Cut, northwest of Gettysburg. Again, the 14th NYSM, saw action at Culp’s Hill on July 2nd & 3rd. After Gen’l U. S. Grant consolidated the Army of Potomac in March 1864, the 14th Brooklyn served in Wadsworth Division of the 5th Corps. They distinguished themselves in the bloody fighting in the Wilderness on May 5th & 6th, 1864. On May 8th, the 14th NYSM along with the rest of Cutler’s Division and the whole of Crawford’s 3rd Division of the 5th Corps supported Griffin’s & Robinson’s initial attack at Laurel Hill, first engagement during the Battles of Spotsylvania Courthouse. Their attack helped to push the Confederates back a short distance. On May 22, 1864, the original members of the 14th NYSM were mustered out. They left by train on May 24th and arrived in Jersey City in the evening of the 25th.

From: Brooklyn Daily Standard Union, 17 September 1923:

 

'RED-LEGGED DEVILS' IN TRIBUTE TO DEAD

Twelve Survivors of Fighting Fourteenth Honor Memory of Comrades of '61

Twelve survivors of Brooklyn's old "Fighting Fourteenth,"the "Red-legged Devils" of the early '60's, came into their own yesterday afternoon when 3000 persons gathered in Fort Greene Park to pay tribute to them and to the memory of their deceased comrades. The annual Sabbath service was held at the foot of the Memorial to Col. and Brevet-Brig. Gen. Edward B. Fowler, the valiant commander who led the "Red-legs" in many a bloody battle.

A company of the present 14th Regiment led by Col. Frederick W. Baldwin, and preceded by the regimental band, marched to the Fowler statue, and after "assembly" had been sounded, stood at attention while Capt. Edward Riker, one of the famous veterans, laid a laurel wreath on the memorial to his former chief. Col. Baldwin delivered the address of welcome. Rear Admiral Plunkett, commander of the Brooklyn Navy Yard, roundly scored a certain section of the press for the pacifistic tendencies.

"I am convinced," he said, "that the direct progeny of those individuals who seek to weaken the arm of Uncle Sam will, in the next conflict,be shot going to the rear." Col Adolph Kline was present, but because of a sore throat, asked to be excused from making his scheduled address. Col. Edward A. Simmons, County Commander of the American Legion, referring to the public and party neglect in failing to suitably reward the services of a distinguished soldier and citizen like Gen. Fowler. He declared it was the avowed intention of the American Legion to prevent, as far as possible, a repetition of such conduct toward deserving veterans of the World War.

Charles J. Dodd, district Attorney of King's County; Edward T. O'Loughlin, deputy commissioner of markets, and William Tapley, State departmental commander, V.F.W., outlined the 75 years of useful service which the 14th has given to the nation, and emphasized the necessity of passing on the "flaming torch" to future generations.

The 14th Regiment Band played several patriotic and reminiscent airs in honor of the veterans of three wars who were present. Mrs. Gertrude Gunston Werner sang "Only An Honor Bearer." After the Rev. Harold S. Miller, chaplain of the 14th, had said benediction, "taps" was sounded.

A wordy altercation which ensued between Col. Baldwin and two or three of the spectators as to whether or not hats should be removed while "America" is being sung threatened to mar the exercises. Although the affair was quickly smoothed over, the individuals, one of whom was a Civil War veteran, who disputed the colonel's insisting that headgear be removed, remained unconvinced. They maintained that one should uncover only during the rendition of the national anthem.

The survivors of the historic regiment whose courageous leader was eulogized yesterday are: Edward Riker, chairman of the Civil War Veterans' Association of the 14th Regiment; Raymond Cardona, treasurer; John Jelly, George Rice, Edward Anthony, George Washington Smith, William Z. Smith, John White, Michael McCarthy, George Smith, John Nellis and John Boyce.

Transcribed by Joy E. Bold

   
 

5. Maj. John M. Gould: This was John Mead Gould (15 December 1839, Portland, Cumberland County, Maine - 1 January 1930, Portland, Cumberland County, Maine: interment at Riverside Cemetery, Bethel, Cumberland County, Maine). On 23 April 1861, he enlisted in the Portland Light Guards which, on 3 May 1861, was mustered into Federal service and which, with nine other companies of the Maine militia, became the 1st Maine Volunteer Infantry Regiment. The Portland Light Guards were designated as Company C.


John Mead Gould, ca. 1900

After the war, Gould published his History of the First - Tenth - Twenty-Ninth Maine Regiment: In Service of the United States from May 3, 1861, to June 21, 1866. With the History of the Tenth Me. battalion, by Rev. Leonard G. Jordan (Stephen Berry, Portland, Maine: 1871) and How to Camp Out: Hints for Camping and Walking (A. S. Lippincott: 1877).

See John Mead Gould Home Page: http://www.geocities.com/Athens/2814/home.html.

6. Captain Cranston: About Alfred Cranston, the following is from C. V. Tevis and D. R. Marquis, The History of the Fighting Fourteenth: Published in Commemoration of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Muster of the Regiment into the United States Service, May 23, 1861 (Brooklyn Eagle Press, Brooklyn, New York: 1911), p. 276:

  CRANSTON, ALFRED. ¾ Age, 21 years. Enrolled, June 30, 1861, at Brooklyn, to serve three years; mustered in as private, Co. I, August 1, 1861; promoted sergeant, September 1, 1862; mustered in as second lieutenant, September 17, 1862; mustered out, June 13, 1864, at New York City; also borne as Cranson; commissioned second lieutenant, October 24, 1862, with rank from September 17, 1862; vice R. Cardona, promoted. [Ramon Cardona, born in 1840, enlisted 18 April 1861, at Brooklyn. He attained the rank of first lieutenant on 29 August 1862. As of 17 September 1923, he was still living.]

:7. Mrs. E. C. CLARK: This was Emily Cunningham STELL (29 December 1839, Fayette County, Georgia - 21 November 1912, Palestine, Anderson County, Texas), the half-sister of John Calhoun COX and wife of Benjamin Franklin CLARK, M. D. [See Child 5: Emily Cunningham STELL under G0493A: John Dennis STELL, Colonel in Antecedents and Descendants of Michael Stell (1683 - ABT 1706).

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To see the badge of identification ("dog tag," so to speak) which John Calhoun Cox wore on the battlefields, go to John Calhoun Cox: Texas Star.

For the system of kinship to which John Calhoun Cox belonged, see Descendants of John Cox (1 November 1727 - ABT 1804/05).

 
Valuable information was contributed to this web page by Mr. Alex Peck:

 
RETURN: John Calhoun Cox (2 January 1836 - 19 February 1917) Fifth Texas Regiment, Hood's Brigade (2)

RETURN: John Calhoun Cox: Battle Flag of the Fifth Texas Regiment, Hood's Brigade

RETURN: John Calhoun Cox: Texas Star

RETURN: John Calhoun Cox: Fifth Texas Regiment, Hood's Brigade: Service Record

RETURN: John Calhoun Cox: Southern Cross of Honor

RETURN: Antecedents and Descendants of John Cox (1 November 1727 - ABT 1804/05)

RETURN: John Dennis Stell: The Texas Secession Convention

RETURN: John Dennis Stell: Texas Ordinance of Secession

RETURN: John Dennis Stell: Address to the People of Texas

RETURN: Major David M. Whaley: Fifth Texas Regiment, Hood's Brigade

GENEALOGICAL NOTES AND ANECDOTES: TABLE OF CONTENTS

GENEALOGICAL NOTES AND ANECDOTES: HOME

 
 
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This Web site was created 11 November 1998.